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The
question before the Supreme Court is how
best to create a system whereby that public
trust is nurtured. The honourable judges
should rise to the challenge, feels T V
R Shenoy.
'Sunlight
is the best disinfectant.'
That
single sentence -- lapidary in its perfection
-- appears in the 'epilogue' of a judgment
pronounced by the Delhi high court on January
12. The judgment (LPA No 501/2009) is 88
pages long but those five words sum up precisely
why transparency is essential in the case
of everyone that holds a public trust.
It
is a fascinating case, one where the appellant
was the secretary general of the Supreme
Court of India (in effect, the apex court
itself). As to its significance one can
do no better than to quote the high court
again: 'The subject matter at hand involves
questions of great importance concerning
balance of rights of individuals and equities
against the backdrop of paradigm changes
brought about by the legislature through
the act ushering in an era of transparency,
probity and accountability as also the increasing
expectation of the civil society that the
judicial organ, like all other public institutions,
will also offer itself for public scrutiny.'
Every
judgment by the Delhi high court is available
at http://lobis.nic.in/dhc/ going back to
1950, helpfully cross-indexed by the case
number, the name of the judge, the date
of judgment, and the party involved.
The
case started when a private citizen, Subhash
Chandra Agarwal, wrote to the central public
information officer of the Supreme Court
on November 10, 2007. Wielding the Right
to Information Act, Agarwal asked whether
the justices of the Supreme Court had declared
their assets. (And further if judges in
the various high courts had submitted the
same to the respective chief justices.)
He asked only if such declarations had been
made, not for the details therein.
On
November 30, the CPIO wrote back saying
that the information that Agarwal wanted
could not be furnished. He then approached
the Central Information Commission. On January
6, 2009 the CIC ordered the CPIO to comply
with Agarwal's request.
The
CPIO petitioned the Delhi high court against
this order. The case was heard by a single
judge, Justice S Ravindra Bhat. On September
2, 2009 judgment was pronounced against
the stance taken by the CPIO. The operative
part, Page 72 of the judgment on (WP (C)
288/2009) reads: 'In view of the findings
recorded above, the first petitioner CPIO
shall release the information sought by
the respondent applicant, about the declaration
of assets, (and not the contents of the
declarations, as that was not sought for)
made by judges of the Supreme Court.'
There
is a beautifully written passage within
this judgment quoting Judges in a Democracy,
a book by Dr Aharon Barack, former chief
justice of Israel: 'An essential condition
for realising the judicial role is public
confidence in the judge... It means public
confidence that judges are not interested
parties to the legal struggle and that they
are not fighting for their own power but
to protect the constitution and democracy.'
(This judgment too is present in its entirety
on the Web site mentioned above.)
It
was against this judgment that the secretary
general of the Supreme Court appealed, and
was heard by a three-member bench, Chief
Justice Ajit Prakash Shah, Justice Vikramajit
Sen and Justice S Muralidhar.
The
very fact of the appeal led to disquiet
not just in civil society at large but even
in the judiciary itself. One judge, Justice
D V Shylendra Kumar of the Karnataka high
court, publicly wrote in support of full
disclosure of assets by judges. On August
26, 2009 the justices of the Supreme Court
declared that they would do just that --
putting up all their assets on the apex
court's Web site.
This
was generally welcomed but some questioned
whether a voluntary disclosure sufficed,
or whether it required the protection of
a legal pronouncement. This was why the
Delhi high court judgment of January 12
was so warmly applauded.
The
three-member bench put it nicely: 'A single
dishonest judge not only dishonours himself
and disgraces his office but jeopardises
the integrity of the entire judicial system.'
And
further, 'Although judges often balk at
the invasion of privacy that disclosure
of their private finances entails, it is
almost uniformly considered to be an effective
means of discouraging corruption, conflicts
of interest, and misuse of public funds.'
Once
the principle of transparency is invoked
would it not be better to open the door
all the way? At the moment, the public does
not know precisely how judges are raised
to the higher offices; that is a privilege
reserved unto the judiciary itself.
That
is at least in part a reaction to the excesses
of the Emergency, after the Indira Gandhi
government ignored the claims of Justice
H R Khanna to be the Chief Justice of India.
(He had ruled against the government in
ADM, Jabalpur vs Shiv Kant Shukla, popularly
known as the 'Habeas Corpus Case'.) But
has the pendulum swung too far in the other
direction?
In
the United States -- the only democracy
comparable to India in size, complexity,
and federal structure -- the executive nominates
and the legislature approves candidates
to the higher judicial offices.
The
whole exercise is conducted in the public
eye. Could India have something on the same
lines? It is certainly something to consider.
The
US supreme court also has a history of seeing
judges appointed directly from the bar or
even from law colleges if the President
and the senate thought they were qualified.
Louis Brandeis, for instance, was a lawyer
and a radical social activist, but never
a judge, before being raised to the US supreme
court in 1916.
Justice
Brandeis comes to mind because, in an article
for the December 20, 1913 edition of Harper's
Weekly, it was he that wrote, 'Publicity
is justly commended as a remedy for social
and industrial diseases. Sunlight is said
to be the best of disinfectants; electric
light the most efficient policeman.' I prefer
the Delhi high court's pithy editing!
Transparency,
accountability, and efficiency are the pillars
on which a judiciary rests in a democracy.
As Edmund Burke, quoted by the Delhi high
court, observed over two centuries ago:
'All persons possessing a portion of power
ought to be strongly and awfully impressed
with an idea that they act in trust and
that they are to account for their conduct
in that trust.'
Or
as the aforementioned Dr Barack said, 'When
a judge sits in trial the judge is on trial.'
The
question before the Supreme Court today
is how best to create a system whereby that
public trust may be nurtured. I am confident
that their Lordships shall rise to the challenge.
(NB: In light of the ongoing controversy
about bankers' bonuses, it is interesting
to note that Brandeis wrote as he did because
of bankers, not judges. He added, 'Compel
bankers when issuing securities to make
public the commissions or profits they are
receiving.')
Courtesy:
www.rediff.com, February 1, 2010
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